Congressman Resigns; Bribery, Ethics Scandal Brews In Washington

HIGHLIGHTS

n CT goes clean!

n Mandatory campaign spending limits heading to Supreme Court

n Cunningham resigns

n Is Doolittle the next DeLay?

n Redistricting reform fails in CA and OH

n Fusion makes MA Ballot

n 527s dodge reform bullet

n Back page cartoon: When Lobbyists become the Government


 

On November 28, Congressman Randy “Duke” Cunningham (CA) resigned from office shortly after pleading guilty to charges of tax evasion and conspiracy to commit bribery. In his plea agreement, Cunningham admitted to accepting more than $2.4 million worth of gifts and cash bribes in exchange for using his position on the House Appropriations Defense Subcommittee to obtain federal contracts for his paymasters and co-conspirators.

Cunningham’s career began to unravel this past summer, when Copley News reported that campaign contributor and defense contractor Mitch Wade had bought Cunningham’s home, only to resell it at a $700,000 loss several months later.

Cunningham used the money he made

off the inflated sale price to buy a much more expensive and luxurious house in a swooshy San Diego suburb. Based on these acts, TheRestofUs.org called on Cunningham to resign last July.

It then came to light that while in Washington D.C., Cunningham had been living rent free on the Duke Stir, a yacht owned by Wade and named after Cunningham. The revelations led to federal investigations into Cunningham’s finances, which eventually uncovered the crimes that resulted in the plea agreement and resignation.

Two of the men listed as co-conspirators in the Cunningham indictment are Brent Wilkes and Mitch Wade, both government defense contractors who have grown rich off deals fed them by Cunningham. In addition to the millions in bribes, both Wilkes and Wade, their wives, their companies, and their employees have made hundreds of thousands of dollars in political contributions to candidates and committees at the state and federal level.

Until it was sold to Veritas Capital this past August, Wade owned MZM Inc., a defense firm providing a number of services to the military. Brent Wilkes owns the Wilkes Corporation, an umbrella corporation for a number of other companies, including document conversion company ADCS and Group W, a company that provides a number of services, including lobbying and travel.

Wilkes, through Group W’s lobbying and travel arms, is also neck deep in the case of scandals involving lobbyist Jack Abramoff, former Majority Leader Tom DeLay, and many other members of Congress.

An analysis of federal and state campaign finance records by Research for the Rest of Us suggests that in addition to bribery, Wilkes may have laundered campaign contributions.

(continued under federal section below)

EDITORIAL

Derek Cressman

A Scandalous Year

Even after more than ten years of working on reform issues, as I look back on 2005 I am dumbfounded by the level of corruption plaguing America.

As the year began, TheRestofUs.org called for California Secretary of State Kevin Shelley’s removal after it came to light that Shelley had received laundered campaign contributions and mismanaged federal election reform funds to promote his own career. A month later, Shelley resigned.

In February, TheRestofUs.org filed a complaint with the Fair Political Practices Commission about Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger’s control of ballot committees that he was raising huge contributions for – a violation of FPPC regulations. Arnold responded by having a court throw out the pesky regulation, but in the meantime his inability to direct these ballot committees under our watchful eye contributed to several missteps that observers say helped lead to Schwarzenegger’s defeat in the special election.

Our vigorous research into Schwarzenegger’s record breaking fundraising and personal conflicts of interest fed a steady stream of news stories about money in California politics. Our work even reached Comedy Central’s Daily Show, where Lewis Black declared that Arnold had “his ass handed to him” by us. Schwarzenegger went from being seen as an outside reformer to just another money-grubbing politician, while his popularity ratings fell from 65 percent to 35 percent.

TheRestofUs.org called last July for Duke Cunningham’s resignation from Congress as stories broke of his acceptance of bribes in exchange for defense contracts. Just weeks ago, it happened, making us two for two in resignation calls.

When Ohio coin dealer and prolific campaign donor Thomas Noe admitted that millions of dollars of worker compensation funds entrusted to his care were “missing,” TheRestofUs.org called for elected officials to return their tainted contributions. Most have now done so, and Noe is awaiting trial. Ohio Governor Bob Taft pleaded no contest to charges that he had failed to report gifts that Noe had given him.

Oregon state representative Dan Doyle is now in jail for illegally diverting more than $60,000 in campaign funds to personal use. Our research found that Doyle did not have a single small contributor of $50 or less who gave to his campaign – not one. In response to that embarrassment, I penned an op-ed with Oregon Common Cause Director Andi Miller calling for Oregon to adopt tough limits on money in politics.

We’re now digging our investigative teeth into the simply overwhelming web of campaign contributions, bribes, and outright thievery circling around lobbyist Jack Abramoff and his political allies Tom DeLay and John Doolittle.

Candidates for New York City mayor, New Jersey governor, and Virginia governor all shattered campaign spending records.

Alabama’s former governor Don Siegelman was indicted in October for accepting a half-million dollar bribe from HealthSouth CEO Richard Scrushy.

But amid all this depressing news, there is some hope. Last June, TheRestofUs.org led other reform groups including U.S. PIRG, Common Cause, the League of Women Voters, Public Campaign, and others in urging the U.S. Supreme Court to reconsider the constitutionality of mandatory limits on campaign spending. I’m happy to report that this fall the Court accepted the case. We’ll be filing another brief soon explaining why the Court must uphold limits on big money in politics to stem the rising tide of political corruption.

Both public opinion and belated law enforcement are proving to politicians that they are not above the law. Tom DeLay now faces trial for laundering corporate money into Texas politics. Congressmen Ney and Doolittle are under investigation. It is a reminder that laws regulating corruption and money in politics can and do work when they are enforced.

There is other good news as well. The cities of Portland and Albuquerque adopted strong clean money laws this year that will allow candidates to run for office without accepting large private contributions. Portland’s win came after Tom Potter successfully ran for mayor after accepting contributions of no more than $100.

Just weeks ago, the Connecticut legislature finally passed a campaign finance package in response to the scandal that forced former Governor John Rowland out of office and into prison.

Rest assured that in the year to come, we’ll be there to stand up for democracy whenever special interests and greed rear their ugly heads.

State Updates
 
ARIZONA

On December 7, a Maricopa County Superior Court Judge ordered state representative David Burnell Smith to step down from office after finding that Smith was holding office illegally due to violations of the state’s Clean Elections law. If his ouster is upheld, Smith will be the first legislator in the nation to be removed from office for clean elections violations. Smith is appealing the decision.

Arizona’s Clean Elections law requires candidates who qualify for public financing for their campaigns to abide by a spending limit. In addition to underreporting his expenditures, Smith overspent the limit by some 20%.

The case reached the Maricopa County Court only after investigations and hearings by the Clean Elections Commission and two other courts, all of which found that Burnell Smith had violated the Clean Elections law.

CALIFORNIA

Special Election
California voters who went to the polls for the November 8 special election rejected all eight initiatives on the ballot, including redistricting reform initiative Prop 77 by roughly 60% to 40%. Prop 77 was part of a group of four reform initiatives backed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, whose low ratings helped derail any efforts associated with him.

The special election saw nearly $300 million in spending overall, a national record for an initiative election. Labor spent more than $100 million to tank the propositions backed by Schwarzenegger, who along with his allies spent some $50 million on his four initiatives. The pharmaceutical industry spent $80 million to defeat a consumer group-backed prescription drug initiative and to support a separate initiative put on the ballot by big Pharma. Both initiatives lost.

Clean Money
The Los Angeles City Council agreed on November 15 to examine public financing of elections as a possible way to reduce the influence of special interest money on the city’s elections. The council voted 11-0 to tell the city’s legislative analyst to develop a proposal for public financing of elections for the city. Los Angeles already provides some public funds for qualifying candidates. The San Francisco Ethics Commission is examining whether to extend that city’s current public financing of elections for the Board of Supervisors to other city races, including mayoral elections. Supervisor Ross Mirkarimi has proposed such a program for mayoral races, including a $1.4 million voluntary spending cap for candidates who sign up and qualify for public funds. The Ethics Commission is scheduled to vote on Mirkarimi’s proposal in December. In October of this year, the voters of Albuquerque made it the first city in the U.S. to vote by ballot initiative for public financing of elections. Portland, Oregon’s city council voted in May 2005 to start a program of public financing for elections in that city.


CONNECTICUT

On December 1, the Connecticut Legislature passed a comprehensive campaign finance bill that includes full public financing for state candidates, becoming the first state legislature to pass public financing for its own elections. Governor Jodi Rell signed the bill on December 7.

The bill would provide approximately $17 million overall in public financing for qualifying candidates. To qualify for public financing under the new law, candidates must collect a certain number of signatures and small donations. The threshold amounts and public funds received vary by the office sought:

n House candidates would need to raise $5,000 in contributions of no more than $100, with 90 percent raised within the state, in return for $25,000 in public funds.

n Senate candidates need to raise $15,000 in contributions of no more than $100 with 90 percent raised within the state, in return for $85,000 in public funds.

n Starting in 2010, gubernatorial candidates who raised $250,000 in small contributions would be eligible to receive $1.25 million for a primary race and $3 million for the general election.

Unfortunately, the bill also sets up a higher standard for third parties under the public financing program. Candidates that do not belong to one of the two major parties must collect the same number of dollars and signatures to qualify for the program, but get less money. Public financing is a great way to level the playing field for candidates that represent regular folks to take on those backed by wealthy special interests, but when major parties use a system to advantage themselves over third party candidates, it does a disservice to those voters who don’t see 100% eye-to-eye with the major parties.

In addition to the public financing aspects, the bill also banned contributions from lobbyists and state contractors, and raised the contribution limits for those candidates who do not receive public financing, despite no logical basis for doing so. Gubernatorial limits went from $2,500 to $3,500, state senate limits from $500 to $1,000, while state house limits stayed at $250.

Connecticut Common Cause and Connecticut Citizen Action Group receive a big hand for all the work they put in building support for public financing, as does ConnPIRG for helping to hold the line on contribution limit increases for house races.

 

FLORIDA

Aided by House Speaker Alan Bense and Senate President Tom Lee, who each threw their clout behind the bill, the Florida Legislature approved a bill banning lobbyists from buying any food, drink, or gifts for elected officials. Governor Bush has promised to sign the bill into law, although began to make caveats shortly after the bill’s passage.

KANSAS

Former congressional candidate Adam Taff pleaded guilty in federal district court in Kansas City to one count of wire fraud and one count of violating federal election law for misusing campaign funds to obtain a home loan. In 2003, with the help of his employer, a mortgage company, Taff used $312,000 in campaign funds as collateral to purchase a $1.2 million home. Taff also lied about his monthly income on his application, which when sent to the lender across state lines, resulted in the wire fraud charge.

Taff faces up to 30 years and a $1 million fine for the wire charge, and up to five years and a $250,000 fine for the campaign violation.

 

MAINE

The state ethics commission recommended fines and restitution totaling nearly $50,000 in connection with violations of the state’s clean elections law by two candidates and a political consultant. Julia St. James, an Independent candidate for the Senate, paid political consultant Dan Rogers $10,000 of her $40,000 campaign allotment with very little to show for it, in addition to spending campaign funds for non-campaign purposes. The other candidate, Sarah Trundy, also used Rogers for her campaign and is also accused of misusing campaign funds. St. John, Trundy, and Rogers all face fines.

 

MASSACHUSETTS

The Mass Ballot Freedom campaign has turned in more than 110,000 signatures to complete the first step of qualifying an initiative that would let political parties cross-endorse candidates of another party. The process, also known as fusion, allows voters more choices in expressing their opinions on election day because they can vote for a candidate who has a chance of winning but do so under the nomination of the party they most support. So, for instance, the now defunct Reform Party could have cross-nominated fiscally conservative Democrats and socially liberal Republicans rather than having to field their own candidates that often played the role of spoiler.

The Working Families Party has used cross-endorsement successfully in New York, where fusion has been legal for more than a century. Party bosses conspired in most other states to kill competition from new parties by banning cross-endorsement.

A Common Cause led effort to qualify an initiative to create an independent redistricting commission fell just short of success. Proponents gathered more than 80,000 signatures, of which some 60,000 were from unique signers. To qualify, an initiative must have 65,825 certified signatures.

 

MICHIGAN

The FBI and a grand jury are investigating former gubernatorial candidate Geoffrey Fieger for possible violations of federal election law. Fieger, also known for defending assisted suicide doc Jack Kevorkian, may have reimbursed employees for contributions they made to presidential candidate John Edwards. Some 22 Fieger employees and their relatives donated a total of $42,000 to Edwards on the same day in 2003.

Investigators have found sufficient evidence to prompt Fieger to hire three top Michigan attorneys for his defense. Fieger also faces a state campaign finance investigation by Michigan Attorney General Mike Cox.

 

NEBRASKA

A grand jury will convene in January to determine whether state Regent Dave Hergert violated the state’s public financing laws by underreporting his spending.

Nebraska law requires candidates to estimate their spending to determine how much their opponents should get. If a candidate exceeds that estimate, they must notify the Accountability and Disclosure Commission so that their opponent can receive the additional funds. Hergert underestimated his spending by half and failed to disclose it to the Commission. His opponent was not only subjected to attack ads bought with the excess funds, but was deprived of the public funds he might have spent to defend himself.

Hergert has paid some $33,000 in fines to date, but has faced no criminal charges. And when the Nebraska Legislature voted 31-0 to ask him to resign, Hergert refused. Attorney General Jon Bruning stated he has found sufficient credible evidence to charge Hergert with the violation, but preferred the public involvement of the grand jury over filing charges from his office, due to the political nature of the case.

 

NEW HAMPSHIRE

On December 15, James Tobin was convicted of two charges related to phone jamming scheme during the 2002 elections. Tobin, a Bush Pioneer who worked for the Republican National Committee, conspired with Chuck McGee and Allen Raymond to jam the phones of the Democrats’ get-out-the-vote phone banks on Election Day.

McGee, the former executive director of the state Republican Party, has finished a seven-month sentence for the conspiracy. Raymond, the former president of Virginia political consulting firm GOP Marketplace, Inc., faces a five month sentence.

While guilty of charges of telephone harassment, Tobin was acquitted of a charge of violating voters’ rights. He faces up to seven years in prison and a $500,000 fine.

 

NEW YORK

Using funds from his own fortune, New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg outspent mayoral election opponent Fernando Ferrer $78 million to $9 million. The $78 million in personal candidate wealth broke the previous record of $75 million, set by Bloomberg in the 2001 mayoral election. In 2001, Bloomberg said of his massive spending that he needed to spend the money to introduce himself to the voters. In 2005, Bloomberg said of his repeat performance: “It is what it is.”

This past year, the city council voted to raise the matching public funds for campaign contributions under $250 from 4:1 to 5:1 – in other words, the candidate gets $5 for every $1 he or she raises in contributions under $250. Bloomberg fought against the change, saying it would unfairly advantage any opponent he faced.

 

OHIO

Three Ohio Supreme Court justices disgorged $1,000 campaign contributions that may have been funneled to them by Tom Noe, the Bush Pioneer under investigation by state and federal authorities for a wide array of illegal acts, including reimbursing contributors to Bush. The contributions ostensibly came from Doug Talbott, former aide to Governor Bob Taft, recently convicted for failure to disclose gifts.

Curiously, the justices were informed by state Republican Party Chairman Bob Bennett of the possibility that the contributions were actually from Tom Noe. Also curiously, the justices found out about the contributions in the week prior to the November 8 election, but said nothing publicly until after the election. The justices put the money in an account for the Ohio Worker’s Compensation bureau, from which Noe is accused of stealing millions of dollars.

Reform Initiatives Lose
After a spirited campaign, Ohio voters rejected four reform initiatives that dealt with absentee voting, campaign finance, redistricting, and election administration. Campaign reform and absentee balloting had been leading in the polls, but appear to have been defeated due to voter confusion with so many reform questions on the ballot that were subject to some five million dollars in negative attack ads. The losses were a setback for democracy in Ohio, but the support for reform galvanized by the campaign may carry forward to positive results in the future.

 

PENNSYLVANIA
Citizens of Philadelphia voted 6:1 to amend the city’s charter to allow reform bills passed by the City Council, including contribution limits and better transparency in the city contracting process. In 2003, the city council passed some contribution limits, which it then extended this past year to elections for more offices. The council was scheduled to meet to examine further contribution limits and the extension of the disclosure requirements to other aspects of city government.

Sham Ads
Americans for Job Security, a 501(c)(6) group that has paid for and run last-minute attack ads in elections all over the United States, began to run ads in support of Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum. Although the ads obviously intend to influence their outcomes of elections, Americans for Job Security is not subject to either contribution limits or disclosure requirements due to its 501(c)(6) status.

 

SOUTH CAROLINA

Legislators introduced several voting bills for the upcoming session: :

H. 4352 would allow residents to register and vote early at certain libraries and high schools the week before a general election, and would also allow Election Day registration at polling places.

H. 4362 would require the State Election Commission to send postcards to registered voters who didn’t vote in the previous general election, informing those voters where to vote.

H. 4343 would allow a provisional ballot to count regardless of the precinct where it is cast, even if the voter is in the wrong county or precinct. Currently, a provisional ballot counts only if the voter is in the right precinct.

H. 4339 would establish a commission to investigate barriers to registration and voting; investigate error rates and voting machine reliability; review state spending and federal grants related to voting; and propose ways to improve the voting process.

TENNESSEE

Governor Phil Bredesen called for a special session to strengthen ethics laws to occur immediately prior to the January 10 opening of the regular legislative session. In anticipation of the special session, legislators began crafting a bill that would create an independent ethics commission, increase disclosure and regulation of lobbyists, and reform the state’s campaign finance laws.

The Volunteer State has seen a series of scandals involving money and politicians in the last few months, stemming from a federal sting investigation dubbed “Tennessee Waltz”. Five state legislators have been indicted on bribery and corruption charges, with two resigning from office to date.

TEXAS

The Texas Republican Party cut a deal with a county prosecutor to avoid criminal charges for spending corporate money to influence 2002 state legislative races. In exchange for avoiding prosecution, the Texas GOP agreed to two conditions: 1) not to spend any corporate money even on administrative expenses through December 31, 2007, and 2) to admit that “from an accounting perspective”, the state party had spent corporate money on elections on three separate occasions.

Throughout the investigation, the party insisted that it simply had a different definition of what constitutes “administrative expenses”. Of course, its definition of administration included television ads, on which it spent $1.9 million. The investigation stems from the same contributions that led to the indictment of Rep. Tom DeLay (see federal section).

 

VERMONT

The Supreme Court of the United States will hear arguments on February 28 relating to mandatory campaign spending limits that were set by the Vermont legislature in 1997. TheRestofUs.org is preparing an amicus brief on behalf of reform organizations that will urge the Court to uphold spending limits as a reasonable measure that states can take to protect their democracy and encourage citizen participation in government. Vermont PIRG, which led the effort to enact the limits, is an intervenor in the case and is represented by the National Voting Rights Institute. U.S. PIRG is organizing members of Congress to support Vermont with an additional brief.

Win or lose, this will be an historic case that could have long-standing ramifications upon the future of campaign finance reform. Mandatory spending limits have been consistently supported by strong majorities of Americans as a commonsense approach to making elections more fair by creating a level playing field for candidates.


VIRGINIA

Former governor and possible presidential candidate Mark Warner broke a one day record for fundraising in the state, hauling in $2.5 million for his political action committee, Forward Together. Warner also held the previous record, set last year when he was governor, at a fundraiser in which he pulled in $2 million. Virginia has no limits on the amount of money candidates and PACs can raise from donors, which has encouraged some, including New York Governor George Pataki, to start PACs in the state.

WISCONSIN

On December 15, former state Senate president Chuck Chvala was sentenced to nine months in jail and ordered to pay a $5,500 fine for his felony misconduct in office. Chvala used a broad range of undemocratic and corrupt practices, including extorting campaign contributions from lobbyists, using a network of various committees to evade campaign contribution limits, and using taxpayers’ time and dollars to further his own campaign.

AT THE FEDERAL LEVEL



(Continued from page 1)
On four different occasions, both Wilkes and several of his employees made contributions to the same politicians on the same day in amounts that exceeded the contribution limit for one person. Further, from April 2002 to October 2003, Wilkes employee Max Gelwix made $45,000 in contributions at the state and federal level to the same candidates and committees as his boss. Prior to his employment with Wilkes, Gelwix had never made a contribution at the federal level, nor any at the state level we could find.

This pattern of giving by Wilkes and his associates is similar to giving patterns by Ohio donor Thomas Noe, who is currently under investigation for reimbursing other donors for political contributions. Both men were Bush pioneers and heavily involved in bundling of more than $100,000 in large contributions to the Bush re-election campaign. It is quite possible that in the effort to achieve Pioneer status, both men pushed the legal envelope by coercing or reimbursing their employees to make campaign contributions. TheRestofUs.org has asked the Justice Department and the California Attorney General to investigate.

Jack Abramoff
Lobbyist Jack Abramoff is at the center of at least three investigations involving members of Congress and their wives, lobbyists, former congressional aides, and other members of the D.C. political establishment. The underlying investigations involve many of the same players, making it difficult to follow each thread of the various webs of influence.

Investigation 1: Abramoff and his partner Adam Kidan have been indicted on charges of wire fraud and conspiracy related to their purchase of SunCruz, a gambling company, in 2000. As part of their purchase agreement with SunCruz owner Konstantinos Boulis, Abramoff and Kidan owed a down payment of $23 million. The two allegedly faked a wire transfer of the $23 million, which led to much rancor between the pair and Boulis and resulted in the wire fraud charges against them.

While the purchase negotiations were underway, Abramoff used his clout on Capitol Hill to his advantage. Rep. Bob Ney of Ohio, to whom Abramoff had directed campaign contributions of more than $50,000 and given free golf trips, meals, and use of his skybox at MCI Arena, inserted comments in the Congressional Record praising Kidan and castigating Boulis. Rep. Dana Rohrbacker of California served as one of Abramoff’s references for the loan to buy SunCruz, as did long-time DeLay aide and Abramoff lobbying associate Tony Rudy.

Federal officials have notified Ney that he is the subject of a possible indictment on bribery charges. He refuses to disgorge the money he received from Abramoff and his clients.

The SunCruz deal went through, but the animosity remained. In July 2001, Boulis was shot in a gangland-style hit by two men affiliated with the mob who were hired by Kidan as security. Kidan recently agreed to plead guilty to the wire fraud and conspiracy and to testify against Abramoff.

Investigation 2: The Justice Department is investigating Abramoff and lobbying associate Michael Scanlon for over-billing and defrauding several Indian tribes of tens of millions of dollars. Scanlon recently pleaded guilty to a charge of criminal conspiracy to bribe members of Congress, and agreed to disgorge nearly $20 million of ill-gotten profits from the tribes.

Abramoff and Scanlon, a former spokesman for Tom DeLay, came together in early 2000 to go after lobbying business from the nation’s Indian tribes, who were making hundreds of millions of dollars from casino gambling. Abramoff was already lobbying for some tribes, but the pair hatched a plan to ratchet up the lobbying fees from the tribes.

Abramoff used money from some of his tribal clients to fund a separate anti-gambling campaign directed at tribal casinos in competition with Abramoff’s clients. Ralph Reed, a long-time Abramoff friend, directed the campaign, although insists he did not know the source of the funding. After a successful Abramoff-funded campaign against the Tiguas, Abramoff then sought out the Tiguas as a client, convincing them that they needed his services to reopen their casino.

Using Scanlon’s consulting firm as a pass-through vehicle for fees, the two charged the Tiguas and other tribes some $40 million for services that were never provided. Abramoff traded on his connections with congressmen like Bob Ney to ensure the tribes got their casinos. In likely return for the many gifts and contributions bestowed upon him thanks to Abramoff, Ney introduced legislation that allowed the Tiguas, a tribal client of Scanlon’s, to re-open their shuttered casino.

In addition to the Justice Department investigation, Congress has held hearings into Scanlon and Abramoff’s tactics.

Investigation 3:
To develop and maintain congressional connections, Abramoff developed a highly intricate web in which he hired the wives and former staffers of various members of Congress for what were mostly lobbying services. Christine DeLay, Tom DeLay’s wife, was paid more than $100,000 to find out the favorite charity of each member of Congress. The firm of Julie Doolittle, Rep. John Doolittle’s wife, was paid to provide “event planning” services for Abramoff’s Capitol Athletic Foundation and his Signatures restaurant in D.C.

Former DeLay staffers hired by Abramoff include Scanlon, Tony Rudy, and Edwin Buckham. Rudy and Buckham both worked for Alexander Strategies, a lobbying shop to which Brent Wilkes’ Group W also paid $630,000 for lobbying services. Former Doolittle staffer Kevin Ring went to work for Abramoff, as did Senator Conrad Burns’s former staffer Shawn Vassell.

In addition to these indirect methods, Abramoff, his associates and his clients directed more than $5 million in campaign contributions to key members of Congress over the last ten years, not to mention the many freebie vacations given to members under the guise of a nonprofit educational trip. His influence extends past Congress into the halls of the Administration, where chief of procurement David Safavian was forced to resign in September after being indicted for lying about his relationship with Abramoff.

Officials have said that at least six members of congress are under investigation for possible bribery and corruption charges, including DeLay, Burns, Doolittle, and Ney.


Tom DeLay
In addition to possible charges related to his relationship with Jack Abramoff, Rep. Tom DeLay has some home-grown problems to contend with. A Texas grand jury indicted DeLay on charges of conspiracy to violate Texas’ ban on corporate contributions to state candidates and on charges of money laundering and conspiracy to commit money laundering. These indictments forced DeLay to step down from his post as House Majority Leader.

In early December, DeLay won dismissal of the first charge, but because the prosecutor has indicated that he will appeal the dismissal, that specific count will likely not be resolved until late 2006. The judge upheld the money laundering charges, which are likely also on hold until the resolution of the appeal of the campaign violation charge.

DeLay also received discounted travel from Wilkes, from whom the Texas prosecutor recently requested financial records related to contributions to DeLay’s leadership PAC.

527 organizations
House negotiators removed a rider dealing with 527 organizations from the defense appropriations bill on December 18. The rider would have treated 527 organizations like Political Action Committees (PACs) for the purpose of campaign finance limits and disclosure laws.

Named for the section of the IRS Code under which they are organized, 527 groups are formed explicitly for the purpose of influencing elections. Despite their legal status as electioneering committees, the 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act did not subject to 527s to contribution limits. This created sufficient ambiguity to allow the Federal Elections Commission to continue to rule that 527s were not to be treated as PACs.

527 groups took advantage of the failures of Congress and the FEC to regulate their electioneering efforts, raising hundreds of millions in campaign contributions as large as $25 million from single donors. Attack ads from left- and right-leaning 527 groups played a significant role in the presidential campaign, all on the backs of big money financiers like George Soros and Roland Arnall.

Some Republicans, including Karl Rove, had shown an interest in regulating 527s as PACs, in all likelihood because they perceived a partisan advantage in doing so. Removing the largest super-donors from politics would tend to elevate the importance of donors in the $1,000-$25,000 range, where Republicans have historically had a big advantage. But Democrats and some defense Republicans like Rep. Duncan Hunter opposed the rider. Duncan has received at least $44,700 in contributions from defense contractors MZM Inc and Wilkes Corp employees. The CEO’s of these companies are under investigation for bribing ex-congressman Duke Cunningham for defense contracts.

TheRestofUs.org has called for 527s to play by the same rules as Political Action Committees but also believes that the current $5,000 limit to PACs is too high. The process of this budget rider would not have permitted amendments to lower that amount for both PACs and 527s.

Lobbying Bills
Senator John McCain and Representative Chris Shays introduced the Lobbying Transparency and Accountability Act, a bill which would require more disclosure by lobbyists. The pair’s former partners on the 2002 BCRA, Senator Russ Feingold and Representative Marty Meehan, opted not to support the bill initially, based on their desire for tougher provisions.

As it stands, the McCain/Shays bill would require lobbyists to:

n detail political contributions, fundraising work, and any help they provided setting up travel for administration or congressional officials;

n report any gifts to officials worth $20 or more; and

n file quarterly disclosures electronically, replacing the paper system now in place.

Legislators would have to wait two years before lobbying their former colleagues, in addition to paying full price for charter flights and reporting the purpose of those flights, unlike current law which allows elected officials to take charter flights for the price of a first class plane ticket, a significant discount.

Feingold and Meehan would like to prohibit all lobbyists’ gifts to elected officials or staffers and ban lobbyists from nonprofit retreats attended by elected officials.

The increased attention on lobbyist reform stems largely from the ongoing Abramoff scandal. As the scandal continues and the public learns more about the current ways insiders are doing business in the Beltway, expect more additions to the bill.

FEC appointments
On December 16, President Bush nominated Hans Von Spakovsky and Robert Lenhard to fill impending vacancies on the Federal Elections Commission. Bush had already recommended extending the service of Commissioner David Mason to a second term and nominated Steven Walther, a lawyer with close ties to Senator Harry Reid.

Both Von Spakovsky and Lenhard are somewhat controversial. Von Spakovsky played a role in the Justice Department’s controversial approval of the Tom DeLay- orchestrated 2003 Texas redistricting plan. Lenhard was part of a legal team that challenged the 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act.

None of the nominations appear to have the standing of departing commissioner Scott Thomas, who often stood alone or on occasion with new FEC Chair Michael Toner in defending the nation’s campaign finance laws against the very agency that is supposed to implement them. Instead of enforcers, we get party hacks. No small wonder some of the public is a bit cynical about campaign finance laws.

 
 
 

 

Is Doolittle the Next DeLay?

Rep. Tom DeLay has had a bad year. He was indicted on charges of laundering illegal corporate money through his PAC into Texas state legislative races, lost his position as Majority Leader, lost his motion to throw out the laundering charges, and is under investigation for bribery and corruption in connection with the Jack Abramoff scandal.

Lesser known, but at the center of the same web of corruption that dominates our nation’s capital, is California Congressman John Doolittle. As the sixth highest ranked member of House leadership, Doolittle does not yet have the same notoriety as Tom DeLay, but he may soon. Like DeLay, Doolittle has:

n received tens of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from both power lobbyist Jack Abramoff and defense shyster Brent Wilkes (who is listed as a co-conspirator for bribing ex-congressman Duke Cunningham);

n accepted discounted travel on Wilkes’ private jet;

n a wife who landed a cushy contract worth tens of thousands of dollars from Abramoff;

n a former chief of staff who landed a high-paying lobbying job with Abramoff;

n led opposition to campaign finance and redistricting reform;

n and is under federal investigation for bribery and corruption.

Here is a diagram of some of the connections the two men share.


 

 

 
 
 
 

The Back Page:

When Lobbyists Become the Government
It’s getting harder to tell the difference between special interests who lobby the government to enrich themselves at public expense and the government itself.

Lobbyists now use campaign contributions to get friendly politicians elected and then hire the staff of those politicians to work as lobbyists. Politicians take positions that benefit special interests in order to get the campaign cash that keeps them in office and then cash out by becoming lobbyists themselves after leaving office.

Lobby reform and revolving door restrictions may help, but the real solution is to create an electoral system that allows true public servants to run competitively against candidates that work hand in hand with big money.

 

 

Cartoon by RJ Matson, St. Louis Post Dispatch.