Redistricting Mania
From California to Florida, the move is on to
redraw congressional districts that were created just two election
cycles ago. Voters sense that politicians drew districts to
unfairly rig election results and reduce competition. But the
latest reform fad of non-partisan redistricting commissions
may not accomplish anything.
It all began with Tom DeLay. DeLay noticed that
Texas had become a Republican state, voting 59% for George Bush
in the 2000 elections. But 57% of the Texas congressional delegation
was Democrats. Why? The district lines were drawn to favor incumbent
Democrats. Rather than waiting ten years for the next round
of redistricting, DeLay hatched a scheme to take over the Texas
legislature and have them redraw district lines immediately.
The scheme worked. In the 2004 elections Republicans picked
up six congressional seats in Texas. Suddenly, the arcane world
of electoral representation is on everyone's mind.
Arnold Schwarzenegger is pushing to create a mid-cycle
redistricting commission in California. Like DeLay, Arnold wants
to realign representation to better fit his ideology. For Arnold,
that means rigging districts to help moderates get elected.
Partisans on both sides are up in arms since they'd cut a deal
to keep each other's seats safe in the last round of redistricting.
The result is that of California's 153 congressional and legislative
races, not one changed party hands in the last election.
Not to be outdone, Democrats are getting into
the game. They are looking at redistricting initiatives in Illinois,
New Mexico and elsewhere.
It's good that we are paying attention to the
backroom deals that carved up voters into districts that determine
who goes to Congress. Leaving redistricting to politicians is
like letting Budweiser and Miller carve up parts of the country
where they each get monopolies, leaving beer drinkers no real
choices.
But it is naïve to think that independent
redistricting commissions will solve our problems. States that
have tried the approach, such as Arizona and Iowa, still wind
up with most of their races being lopsided in favor of one party
or the other.
The challenge is that beyond competition, we have
other values such as maintaining geographic communities and
accurately representing diverse political viewpoints. Using
our current single-member congressional districts, these values
conflict with greater competition. To create competitive districts
for the conservative voters of Bakersfield, California, for
example, you would need to carve up Bakersfield and combine
its voters with liberals in Los Angeles. This is exactly what
Tom DeLay did to Austin, Texas, resulting in a map that gives
Austin no single member of Congress to represent its interest
and deprives most its voters of a congressman who accurately
represents their political views.
The best solution is to move away from single-member
districts that pose the tradeoff between competition and representation.
Single-member districts are an improvement upon at-large elections,
where all the voters of a state elect all of their representatives
together. Most states use at-large systems for the Electoral
College. It's winner-take-all proposition, resulting in zero
representation for any minority position. So Democrats in Florida
or Republicans in Michigan had no representation in the last
Electoral College because the other party won those states.
Single-member districts improve representation
by clumping voters into like-minded groups and allowing those
groups to elect their own member of Congress. Inevitably, many
of these districts are less competitive than if the entire state
were lumped together in one at-large election. The downside
of better representation is safer seats.
The answer would be a form of virtual districting,
where voters can in-effect create their own clumps of like-minded
people within larger superdistricts that each elect multiple
members of congress. Voters could do this with systems where
they rank candidates in order of their preference or distribute
multiple votes as they wish among multiple candidates. These
voting systems, already in use in the US and around the world,
provide competition and accurately represent political viewpoints
in proportion to their strength in the electorate - a concept
known as proportional representation.
Multi-member districts featuring proportional
representation are a wonky idea, but perhaps one whose time
has come. If efforts to move redistricting decisions into non-partisan
panels result in those panels looking beyond single-member districts,
only then will they have been worth the wrangling we're about
to see over their creation.